Seoul’s Task after the UN Resolution

[imText1]North Korea’s government organization Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland announced on Saturday its warning against South Korean government’s assent to the UN North Korean human rights resolution. The Committee blamed on the voting for resolution as a violation of Inter-Korean Joint Communiqué in 2000. Given North Korea’s past experience of intimidation, the warning would not be a just “warning.”

The South Korean government would be forced to have a deadening period in governmental negotiation with North Korea. In 2004, when a huge number of North Korean refugees entered into Seoul from Vietnam, Pyongyang suspended the inter-Korean talks for about a year. Last year when a human rights resolution was passed in the UN General Assembly, the North Korean government expelled humanitarian aid organizations in a suicidal move against its people.

However, it is also obvious that North Korea will eventually be compelled to beg South Korean help if necessary. Thus, even though a cooling period is expected, there is no need for Seoul to be nervous. And a North Korean attempt to relate human rights issue with resumption of the six-party talks should not be tolerated.

The South Korean government must make it clear that humanitarian issue is not a subject of political consideration or negotiation. Human rights cannot be linked with economic cooperation, inter-Korean relationship, or security issues and policymakers in Seoul must let their North Korean counterparts to realize that the government is in line with the international community.

If the Roh administration set a firm, inviolable principle on human rights at first, North Korea could have not teased like now.

It is South Korean government’s duty to consistently argue for North Korea’s human rights in inter-Korean negotiation tables as well.

There are no foretellers needed to predict Kim Jong Il’s behavior on reformation and improvement human rights. Kim has been developing nuclear weapons regardless of any economic hardship. Recently, he boated to his people “Since (North) Korea has become a nuclear state, our enemies have no choice but surrender and flattery.” “So, don’t worry about anything” is what Kim Jong-Il really wanted to tell his distraught people.

From the statement by Kim, it is hard to expect any repentance from Kim. “Sunshine” and “engagement” met a deadlock. Now we need a policy that can actually change North Korea’s behavior.

To simplify who to lead North Korean regime change, there are two; one is Kim Jong Il himself, of course, and the other is the rest of North Korean elites and ordinary people of the country. And since Kim Jong Il confronts the whole world with nuclear ambition, it is time to consider change through the North Korean masses.

Even though some hope for North Korean regime’s reform within institution, possibility of change from the people must not be overlooked. And North Korean human rights movement is same as bestowing right to choose their own future for the ordinary North Koreans.

North Korean people of the 20th century and 21st century are different; those of the past century pledged loyalty to the Great Leader while starving to death, but North Korean people of the 21st century regard the son of Great Leader as an obese womanizer and drunkard. Not many respect the leadership anymore, and increasing number of people hope for a sudden change. The Military First policy, which Kim Jong-Il believes to be the most effective means of rule, is only a target of hatred by the people.

Now, the driving force of revolution comes out from the masses. And South Korea’s Sunshine Policy is only extending the life of dictatorship. It is most necessary to devote more to North Korean human rights and democracy.