With the mourning period and funeral out of the way and Kim Jong Il safely entombed in Keumsusan Memorial Palace, the most important pending issue for North Korea is what the contents of the New Year’s Joint Editorial will be.

In the olden days, Kim Il Sung used to appear on TV to give the state’s plans for the year personally. However, since 1996, following a year in which there was a repeat of the 1994 version, North Korea has released the state’s plans for the coming year simultaneously across all three major publications of state: Rodong Shinmun (Chosun Workers’ Party), Chosun People’s Army (the military), and Youth Vanguard (Kim Il Sung Socialist Youth League)

This year’s plan will be noteworthy for a number of reasons, but from the perspective of Kim Jong Eun and his leadership, the main point will be to shore up the new leader’s rule.

In particular, it is important for the state to emphasize the rule of Kim Jong Eun, the recipient of Kim Jong Il’s last instructions, and buttress domestic unity around him. These were the key features of this morning’s memorial event in Kim Il Sung Square, in which 100,000 people listened to regime elite figures reinforce the idea that Kim Jong Eun is the centre of the regime and the rightful carrier of Kim Jong Il’s inheritance.

“We must adopt (Kim Jong Il’s) dying wish that we accept General Kim Jong Eun and be endlessly faithful to his leadership, and thoroughly establish comrade Kim Jong Eun’s leadership system under the slogan of ‘With Respected Comrade Kim Jong Il, Let’s Defend the Party Central Committee with Our Lives!'” as just one, Kim Jeong Gak, head of the General Political Bureau of the Chosun People’s Army, commented.

In addition, this year’s Joint Editorial is likely to emphasize the Strong and Prosperous State, primarily focusing the propaganda spotlight on Kim Jong Eun’s leading role in construction projects. Equally, given the close links between regime security and the apparent success of the Strong and Prosperous State campaign, it is likely that economic development will come high on the list of priorities overall, as it did in 2011.

Externally, meanwhile, Kim Jong Il had been pushing for dialogue with the United States immediately prior to his death. Although it had only borne modest fruit by the time he passed away on December 17th, this was the clear direction of state policy and it is unlikely that Kim Jong Eun would be willing to drift far from that position at this stage.

In essence, then, Kim Jong Eun will emphasis continuity. To achieve this, he is likely to make similar statements to those made last year, focusing on: ▲ the need to develop light industry to enhance the people’s lives; ▲ the importance of national defense and the military-industrial complex; and, potentially, ▲ the critical importance of cooperation with China.

However, given the moribund nature of large amounts of the North Korean economy and concomitent difficulty of achieving any real results, experts agree that the New Year’s Joint Editorial will still be mostly symbolic.

Offering his predictions today, Im Kang Taek of Korea Institute for National Reunification commented to Daily NK, “Since there is no big change to the direction of North Korean state administration even though Kim Jong Il has died, this will be no different from a normal editorial. It will emphasize Kim Jong Eun’s rule and propagandize the devoted effort he is putting in for the construction of the Strong and Prosperous State.”

“We can learn the direction of state policy through the New Year’s Joint Statement, and that is meaningful, but against a background of no economic achievements, it cannot be any more than a statement.”