{"id":65891,"date":"2026-01-14T05:19:47","date_gmt":"2026-01-13T20:19:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/?p=65891"},"modified":"2026-04-07T13:37:15","modified_gmt":"2026-04-07T04:37:15","slug":"why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\/","title":{"rendered":"Why collusion is a risk, not a solution, to China\u2019s strategic dilemma on the Korean Peninsula"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The institutionalization of United States-Japan-Republic of Korea (ROK) cooperation since 2023 marks a qualitative shift in Northeast Asia\u2019s security environment. The Camp David Summit established a regularized trilateral framework encompassing leader-level consultations, real-time missile-warning data sharing, and expanded joint military exercises. These arrangements go beyond ad hoc coordination and are widely interpreted as a long-term mechanism.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a><sup> <a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<p>For China, this development alters the strategic context in which regional diplomacy operates. While the trilateral framework is officially framed by its participants as defensive and DPRK-focused, its institutional features \u2013 standing consultation mechanisms, operational interoperability, and shared threat assessments \u2013 create structural effects that extend beyond the Korean Peninsula. Once alliance coordination becomes routinized, it tends to acquire momentum independent of the original trigger.<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\"><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>In response, China faces a set of strategic choices rather than a single predetermined path. Existing analyses point to three broad options. The first is \u201cstrategic ambiguity\u201d, in which China avoids explicit alignment while maintaining flexibility between deterrence, reassurance, and selective cooperation. The second is collusion, understood here as a visible tilt toward closer strategic coordination with Russia and the DPRK, creating the external perception of an opposing bloc. The third is a win-win approach, in which the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is successfully accomplished under Chinese leadership within the Six-Party multilateral framework.<\/p>\n<p>While all three options remain available in theory, they differ significantly in cost, controllability, and long-term effectiveness. The collusion scenario deserves closer examination \u2013 not as a preferred policy, but as a risk pathway that may appear attractive under pressure yet ultimately undermines China\u2019s strategic interests. Clarifying this distinction is essential for evaluating China\u2019s realistic policy options in the evolving regional order.<\/p>\n<p><em>The collusion scenario: logic and drivers<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Collusion refers to a visible and sustained tilt by China toward closer strategic coordination with Russia and the DPRK, short of a formal alliance but sufficient to generate the external perception of bloc formation. This may include more frequent high-level political signaling, tolerance of expanded Russia-DPRK cooperation, and coordinated diplomatic or security messaging in response to U.S.-Japan-ROK alignment.<\/p>\n<p>From a short-term perspective, collusion can appear attractive under conditions of heightened pressure. As U.S.-Japan-ROK cooperation becomes more institutionalized, China may perceive a narrowing of strategic space and reduced influence over regional security dynamics. Several analysts argue that tighter trilateral coordination increases Beijing\u2019s incentive to demonstrate countervailing leverage, particularly on the Korean Peninsula, where China retains unique influence.<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\"><sup>[4]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Collusion also offers signaling value. Visible coordination with Russia and the DPRK can serve as a reminder that China possesses options to complicate U.S.-led security frameworks. Domestic considerations may reinforce this logic, as assertive external behavior can signal resolve in the face of perceived encirclement.<\/p>\n<p>For these reasons, collusion should be treated analytically as a risk pathway rather than a stable policy solution. Understanding why it appears tempting under pressure is essential, but so is recognizing the structural forces that limit its effectiveness and increase its long-term costs.<\/p>\n<p><em>Risks and strategic costs of collusion<\/em><\/p>\n<p>While collusion may offer short-term signaling value, it carries strategic costs for China. First, the most immediate risk is that closer coordination with Russia and the DPRK would strengthen, rather than weaken, U.S.-Japan-ROK alignment. Studies focused on alliance dynamics argue that visible bloc-tilting by China reinforces threat perceptions in Seoul and Tokyo, making trilateral cooperation appear not only justified but necessary.<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\"><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>From South Korea\u2019s perspective, closer China-DPRK ties raise doubts about Beijing\u2019s willingness to prioritize stability on the Peninsula over strategic competition. As a result, Seoul is more likely to deepen operational reliance on the U.S. and expand trilateral military coordination. This dynamic, in turn, reduces China\u2019s ability to influence South Korean choices and narrows diplomatic space.<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\"><sup>[6]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>A second major cost concerns nuclear proliferation pressure. If China is perceived as accommodating or shielding a nuclear-armed DPRK \u2013 particularly amid expanding DPRK\u2013Russia military cooperation \u2013 domestic debates in South Korea and Japan over alternative deterrence arrangements are likely to intensify.<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\"><sup>[7]<\/sup><\/a> This outcome would run counter to China\u2019s long-standing position on denuclearization and increase long-term instability in Northeast Asia.<\/p>\n<p>Third, collusion risks damaging China\u2019s international image as a stabilizing actor. Symbolic actions, such as joint military signaling or tolerance of sanctions-evading activities, are often interpreted externally as evidence of bloc politics, regardless of Beijing\u2019s stated intentions. Such perceptions undermine China\u2019s credibility when calling for restraint, dialogue, and de-escalation. Russia and China have already conducted joint airspace military exercises on the East China Sea ten times in a row.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\"><sup>[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Taken together, these risks suggest that collusion is a high-visibility but low-control strategy. It accelerates alliance consolidation, increases escalation and proliferation risks, and reduces China\u2019s diplomatic flexibility. From a cost-benefit perspective, collusion is therefore better understood as a risk scenario to be avoided or managed, rather than a sustainable response to trilateral alignment.<\/p>\n<p><em>Policy implications: Why collusion should be avoided<\/em><\/p>\n<p>While collusion may appear to offer short-term leverage, it is not a sustainable strategy for China. Its costs \u2013 in terms of alliance consolidation, proliferation pressure, and diplomatic credibility \u2013 outweigh benefits. As a result, China\u2019s policy focus should be on managing and avoiding the collusion pathway, rather than drifting into it by default.<\/p>\n<p>First, China should be cautious about actions that could be interpreted as bloc formation. Even limited or symbolic coordination with Russia and the DPRK tends to be amplified externally and framed as strategic alignment. Once such perceptions take hold, they are difficult to reverse and reduce China\u2019s ability to present itself as an independent stabilizing actor in Northeast Asia.<\/p>\n<p>Second, avoiding collusion requires active alternatives, not passive restraint. In particular, China should invest more diplomatic effort in stabilizing relations with South Korea. Improved political communication, economic cooperation, and people-to-people exchanges can help reduce Seoul\u2019s sense of vulnerability and lower its reliance on trilateral military mechanisms.<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\"><sup>[9]<\/sup><\/a> This does not require weakening China\u2019s core interests, but rather adjusting the tone and instruments of engagement.<\/p>\n<p>Third, functional dialogue with Japan remains important, even amid political differences. Crisis-prevention mechanisms, maritime communication channels, and cooperation on non-traditional security issues can help manage risks and reduce misperceptions. While these steps may not alter Japan\u2019s alliance commitments, they can limit escalation dynamics.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, China\u2019s approach to the Korean Peninsula remains central. Demonstrating restraint, encouraging stability, and maintaining dialogue-oriented signaling toward the DPRK reinforce China\u2019s long-standing position on peace and denuclearization. This helps counter narratives that portray China as enabling instability.<\/p>\n<p>Overall, the key policy implication is that collusion should be treated as a risk to be managed, not a strategy to be pursued. By avoiding high-visibility alignment and prioritizing reassurance, communication, and selective engagement, China can preserve strategic flexibility and contribute more effectively to regional stability.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> <em>Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan<\/em>. August 18, 2023. \u201cThe Spirit of Camp David: Joint Statement of Japan, the United States, and the Republic of Korea.\u201d Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.mofa.go.jp\/files\/100541826.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">https:\/\/www.mofa.go.jp\/files\/100541826.pdf<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> <em>Prime Minister\u2019s Office of Japan<\/em>. August 18, 2023. \u201cCommitment to Consult Among Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the United States.\u201d Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/japan.kantei.go.jp\/content\/000133678.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">https:\/\/japan.kantei.go.jp\/content\/000133678.pdf<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> Curtis, Lisa &amp; Kelley, Hannah &amp; Wright, Evan. March 2024. \u201cForging a New Era of U.S.\u2013Japan\u2013South Korea Trilateral Cooperation.\u201d <em>Center for a New American Security<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com\/files.cnas.org\/documents\/U.S.-Japan-KoreaTrilateralCooperation_Report2023_Final-1.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">https:\/\/s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com\/files.cnas.org\/documents\/U.S.-Japan-KoreaTrilateralCooperation_Report2023_Final-1.pdf<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> Bailey, Hannah &amp; Hall, Todd H. December 6, 2025. \u201cWhat Does China Want? Depends Which China You\u2019re Talking About.\u201d <em>The Diplomat<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/thediplomat.com\/2025\/12\/what-does-china-want-depends-which-china-youre-talking-about\/\">https:\/\/thediplomat.com\/2025\/12\/what-does-china-want-depends-which-china-youre-talking-about\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> Economy, Elizabeth. December 9, 2025. \u201cHow China Wins the Future: Beijing\u2019s Strategy to Seize the New Frontiers of Power.\u201d <em>Foreign Affairs<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.foreignaffairs.com\/china\/how-china-wins-future-elizabeth-economy\">https:\/\/www.foreignaffairs.com\/china\/how-china-wins-future-elizabeth-economy<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a> Bang, Chan Young. April 23, 2021. \u201cThe US Needs China\u2019s Support to Denuclearize North Korea.\u201d <em>The Diplomat<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/thediplomat.com\/2021\/04\/the-us-needs-chinas-support-to-denuclearize-north-korea\/\">https:\/\/thediplomat.com\/2021\/04\/the-us-needs-chinas-support-to-denuclearize-north-korea\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a> Brunnstrom, David &amp; Martina, Michael. April 25, 2024. \u201cExclusive: China Harbors Ship Tied to North Korea-Russia Arms Transfers, Satellite Images Show.\u201d <em>Reuters<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/china-harbors-ship-tied-north-korea-russia-arms-transfers-satellite-images-show-2024-04-25\/\">https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/china-harbors-ship-tied-north-korea-russia-arms-transfers-satellite-images-show-2024-04-25\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a> Choi, Seong Hyeon. December 9, 2025. \u201c2 Chinese, 7 Russian Jets Enter South Korean Air Defence Zone Near Japan.\u201d <em>South China Morning Post<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scmp.com\/news\/china\/military\/article\/3335775\/2-chinese-7-russian-jets-enter-south-korean-air-defence-zone-near-japan\">https:\/\/www.scmp.com\/news\/china\/military\/article\/3335775\/2-chinese-7-russian-jets-enter-south-korean-air-defence-zone-near-japan<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a> Shaikenova, Anar. June 19, 2025. \u201cHow China\u2019s Wedge Strategy Could Tip the Balance of Power on the Korean Peninsula.\u201d <em>Daily NK<\/em>. Retrieved from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/how-chinas-wedge-strategy-could-tip-the-balance-of-power-on-the-korean-peninsula\/\">https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/how-chinas-wedge-strategy-could-tip-the-balance-of-power-on-the-korean-peninsula\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The institutionalization of United States-Japan-Republic of Korea (ROK) cooperation since 2023 marks a qualitative shift in Northeast Asia\u2019s security environment. The Camp David Summit established a regularized trilateral framework encompassing leader-level consultations, real-time missile-warning data sharing, and expanded joint military exercises. These arrangements go beyond ad hoc coordination and are widely interpreted as a long-term [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":295,"featured_media":57648,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[644],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-65891","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-analysis-and-opinion"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.7 (Yoast SEO v28.6) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Why collusion is a risk, not a solution, to China\u2019s strategic dilemma on the Korean Peninsula - North Korea News \u2014 Daily NK | Latest DPRK Updates 2026<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Why collusion is a risk, not a solution, to China\u2019s strategic dilemma on the Korean Peninsula\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The institutionalization of United States-Japan-Republic of Korea (ROK) cooperation since 2023 marks a qualitative shift in Northeast Asia\u2019s security environment. The Camp David Summit established a regularized trilateral framework encompassing leader-level consultations, real-time missile-warning data sharing, and expanded joint military exercises. These arrangements go beyond ad hoc coordination and are widely interpreted as a long-term [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"North Korea News \u2014 Daily NK | Latest DPRK Updates 2026\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-01-13T20:19:47+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-04-07T04:37:15+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2024\/01\/DSC01672-1024x683-1.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1024\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"683\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Ulan Nukan\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Ulan Nukan\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"7 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Ulan Nukan\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/8e9b976af365b69ef05f3aacb8fc6cef\"},\"headline\":\"Why collusion is a risk, not a solution, to China\u2019s strategic dilemma on the Korean Peninsula\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-01-13T20:19:47+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-04-07T04:37:15+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1411,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2024\\\/01\\\/DSC01672-1024x683-1.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Analysis &amp; Opinion\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/\",\"name\":\"Why collusion is a risk, not a solution, to China\u2019s strategic dilemma on the Korean Peninsula - North Korea News \u2014 Daily NK | Latest DPRK Updates 2026\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2024\\\/01\\\/DSC01672-1024x683-1.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-01-13T20:19:47+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-04-07T04:37:15+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/why-collusion-is-a-risk-not-a-solution-to-chinas-strategic-dilemma-on-the-korean-peninsula\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2024\\\/01\\\/DSC01672-1024x683-1.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2024\\\/01\\\/DSC01672-1024x683-1.jpg\",\"width\":1024,\"height\":683,\"caption\":\"FILE PHOTO: The national flag of the People's Republic of China. 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Part of the Unification Media Group (UMG) consortium.\",\"email\":\"dailynkenglish@uni-media.net\",\"telephone\":\"82-2-732-6998\",\"legalName\":\"DailyNK\",\"foundingDate\":\"2004-12-01\",\"numberOfEmployees\":{\"@type\":\"QuantitativeValue\",\"minValue\":\"1\",\"maxValue\":\"10\"}},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/8e9b976af365b69ef05f3aacb8fc6cef\",\"name\":\"Ulan Nukan\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2020\\\/05\\\/images-1-e1589857625251-150x119.png\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2020\\\/05\\\/images-1-e1589857625251-150x119.png\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.dailynk.com\\\/english\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2020\\\/05\\\/images-1-e1589857625251-150x119.png\",\"caption\":\"Ulan Nukan\"},\"description\":\"Ulan Nukan is Director of the China Affairs Office at KIMEP University and a PhD candidate in Comparative Politics at the School of International Studies, Peking University. 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