{"id":30121,"date":"2015-04-21T13:08:21","date_gmt":"2015-04-21T04:08:21","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/en.dailynk.com\/en\/?p=30121"},"modified":"2020-01-17T08:51:46","modified_gmt":"2020-01-16T23:51:46","slug":"a-wave-of-change","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/a-wave-of-change\/","title":{"rendered":"A Wave of Change"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Cabinet’s push for economic reforms and
\nthe appointment of Pak Pong Ju <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Pak Pong Ju, who was among the leaders of
\nthe “July 1st Economic Improvement Measures,” reemerged as North
\nKorea’s Cabinet prime minister in April 2013–an arguable indicator of Kim Jong
\nEun<\/span>\u2019s desire for reformation and opening up. Since
\nJanuary 2013, North Korea has been holding regular enlarged Cabinet meetings
\nevery quarter and proposing economic plan performance outcome inspections and
\naction plans for key projects. Park Bong Ju<\/span>\u2019s
\nappointment to premier in the midst of North Korea<\/span>\u2019s
\nshowy displays of the intent to strengthen the economy management system of the
\ncentral Cabinet can be considered significant for economic reform and opening
\nup. <\/span><\/p>\n

The authors will now examine several
\nsymbolic and specific examples of North Korea’s evolving landscape.<\/span><\/p>\n

As of June 2014 10% of the population
\npossessed mobile phones <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

North Korea Tech, a website specializing in
\nNorth Korea, revealed that in June 2014 the number of North Koreans enrolled in
\nKoryolink, North Korea<\/span>\u2019s mobile service company,
\nexceeded 2.4 million. By December 2008, one year after the start of 3G service,
\nthis number grew by 100,000; by February 2012, this number increased by 1 million
\nwith another million joining the service by 2013. Such trends led to
\npredictions of 3 million users by June 2014 but total numbers have yet to reach
\nexpectations. However, there are serious implications for the fact that the
\nnumber of mobile users has reached 10% of the population in a society as closed
\noff as North Korea.  <\/span><\/p>\n

The influx of information and continuously
\nincreasing speed of communication within the country proportionally increases
\npossibilities for contact with the outside world.<\/span><\/p>\n

Taxi cabs and motorcycles<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

In a conversation with the Daily NK, a
\nsource in Pyongan Province stated, <\/span>\u201cIn
\nPyongsong and Suncheon, taxis have started to gain popularity,<\/span>\u201d and <\/span>\u201cpersonal taxis are rising as
\na means for money making and becoming an investment market for the donju<\/i> [the new
\nwealthy class].<\/span>\u201d Taxis have become fairly
\ncommonplace in Pyongyang and Rasun, operating under and managed by Pyongyang<\/span>\u2019s transportation company, Daedong River Passenger Transportation. On
\nthe other hand, taxis in Pyongsong and Suncheon are merely registered with the
\nPyongyang-based company, but operate independently through personal investors.<\/span><\/p>\n

The source explained that costs for taxi
\ncabs sold in Suncheon Market were 12,000 USD for a new car, 6,000-7,000 USD for
\na used vehicle, and 500 USD extra for license plates provided by the sellers.
\nTaxi fare is 15,000 KPW [1.88 USD] for every 4 km and individual bus fare is
\naround 2,000 KPW [0.25 USD] for the same distance. The 75,000 KPW [9.38 USD]
\ntaxi fare from Pyongsong to Suncheon is prohibitively expensive when compared
\nto the bus fare of 10,000 KPW [1.25 USD]; however, the source revealed the
\nnumber of taxi riders to be high because those engaged in business activities
\noften find themselves fighting against time. <\/span><\/p>\n

As the number of men utilizing motorcycles
\nin their business operations grows, women<\/span>\u2019s perceptions
\nof their husbands are also changing. Women’s market activities have propelled them to positions as the dominant breadwinners in families across North Korea, resulting in the
\nsatirical term “nampyeon boolpyeon<\/i>” [husband burden] to symbolize
\nthat they are “of no particular use.” However, this attitude has
\nbegun to shift more recently, with husbands gaining more recognition as heads
\nof households–or at the very least, more significant financial contributors. <\/span><\/p>\n

As motorcycles expand as a means of market
\neconomy distribution, the number of women riding motorcycles is also
\nincreasing. <\/span>\u201cIn Manpo City, Jakang Province, women
\nengage in business on motorcycles,” a local source stated. <\/span>\u201cIn other regions, the number of women running businesses on
\nmotorcycles is slowly increasing.<\/span>\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n

This development reveals steadily expanding
\nmarketization throughout North Korean society while simultaneously highlighting
\nthe fact that transportation methods of the people are becoming more diverse
\nand convenient. <\/span><\/p>\n

10,000 KPW hamburgers and 30,000 KPW pizzas <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

After undergoing an expansive remodeling in
\n2013, the newly restored fast food bar in Pyongyang<\/span>\u2019s
\nMunsu Water Park is selling hamburgers at 10,000 KPW [1.25 USD] each<\/span>—roughly 3-5 times the amount of an average North Korean worker<\/span>\u2019s monthly salary. <\/span><\/p>\n

In a conversation with the Daily NK, a
\nsource in South Pyongan province stated, <\/span>\u201cThe Neungra
\n88 Trade Company Restaurant by Daedong river in Suncheon started
\nselling pizza since late last year<\/span>\u201d and that <\/span>\u201cit was very popular among those with money.” <\/span>According
\nto Andrew Cheng<\/span>\u2019s journey in North Korea during
\nFebruary 2014, timed to overlap with Kim Jong Il<\/span>\u2019s
\nbirthday on February 16th, there are two pizza shops in Pyongyang and all
\ningredients are directly imported from Italy. This was the first confirmation
\nthat pizza is being sold not just in Pyongyang but also in other cities
\nwithin the North. <\/span><\/p>\n

The source said that <\/span>\u201cthere is a large parking area in front of the restaurant so the
\nmajority of customers are donju<\/i> who earn foreign money through coal exports,<\/span>\u201d and <\/span>\u201con weekends, it is common to
\nspot customers sporting sunglasses and digging into these pizzas [referred to
\nas buchimgae<\/i>, pan-fried vegetable pancake; or okonomiyaki<\/i>, a Japanese
\nsavory pancake]in their sunglasses.<\/span>\u201d The advance
\nof foreign-currency earning companies in North Korea can be read as a testament to the growing buying power of the middle class. “T<\/span>he poor continue to be poor but the
\nrich use their power and capital to become even richer,” the source explained.<\/span> This is a symbolic example of increasing globalization of food
\nin the midst of Hallyu’s [Korean Wave] influence on the nation. <\/span><\/p>\n

Tutoring wave for children <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Another recent development is the
\nemergence of increased tutoring services across the nation, with university
\nstudents from Pyongyang heading to rural areas to impart their knowledge on
\nthose willing to pay for it. Though “private education<\/span>\u201d is officially banned in North Korea, there are a plethora of illegal tutoring rings in operation; however, it is a rare case for
\nPyongyang college students to travel as far as rural areas to do so, indicating
\nthat the North Korea’s tutoring market will only continue to expand. <\/span><\/p>\n

The source stated that <\/span>\u201cwith the proper luck to meet the right parents, it<\/span>\u2019s possible to make around 1,000 USD for one to two months of
\ntutoring,” adding that there is a significant trend to find families with
\nconnections, like Party cadres, which can lead to possible employment
\nadvantages upon graduation.  <\/span><\/p>\n

According to the source, even up until a
\nfew years ago, Party cadres focused on the humanities and social sciences
\ntutoring for their children but more recently this preference has shifted to
\nprimary subjects [computer science, foreign language, physics, and chemistry]
\nor the arts. <\/span><\/p>\n

These changes demonstrate the growing
\nfervor held by North Korean parents for children<\/span>\u2019s
\neducation, largely keeping in line with similar global trends. <\/span><\/p>\n

In such ways, North Korean society is
\nundergoing a drastic transformation and, at times, the changes are shocking. Of
\ncourse, such changes in North Korea did not suddenly spring up as soon as Kim
\nJong Eun assumed power. Instead, these changes are more of an extension of the
\nmarketization trends that began during the so-called <\/span>\u201cArduous March [famine]<\/span>\u201d of the 1990s.<\/span><\/p>\n

The energies of change can be considered
\ngreater than what outsiders expected because the  powerful stream that
\nlasted over 20 years combined with the current flow of the times. Even if it is
\nthe feudalistic hereditary dictatorship system of North Korea, it appears it
\nwill be impossible to overturn such transformations with one swift blow.
\nAlthough it is difficult to understand a situation where North Korea<\/span>\u2019s economy is improving despite severe economic sanctions by South
\nKorea and the broader international community, the surprising result can be
\nexplained with the two key phrases – <\/span>\u201cexpansion of
\nopen policies with China<\/span>\u201d and<\/span>\u201cexpansion of marketization.<\/span>\u201d<\/p>\n

There are some points of contention about
\nwhether the policies and examples above qualify the Kim Jong Eun regime as
\nrevving its engines for reform and opening up. Experts who claim such change it
\nis not actual reform or opening up in the most profound sense generally cite three major
\nexamples. <\/span><\/p>\n

First, instead of proclaiming reform and open door policies with
\nChina as a formal Party approach, North Korea has instead nationally emphasized
\nthe rejection of reform and open-door policies. Second, the development for an
\ninvestment environment designed to attract foreign investment is not systematic
\nor aggressive by any means. Third, the <\/span>\u201cByungjin Line [simultaneous
\ndevelopment of nuclear weapons and the economy]<\/span>\u201d is
\nincompatible with reformation and opening up. However, it is, in fact, quite
\npossible to view North Korea through a lens of reform and opening. <\/span><\/p>\n

Criticism that reformation and opening up
\nwere not proclaimed as official approaches by the Party, therefore suggesting that a retreat is possible at any time, <\/span>are justified. However, after the “Arduous March,” the series of change in North Korea directly resulted from marketization and international opening up–we must
\nfocus on the fact that it is nearly impossible to reverse such sweeping changes. <\/p>\n

After
\nthe appearance of negative side effects following the July 1st Measures, North
\nKorea did everything in its power to reverse the effects but ultimately
\nfailed to do so. Now, in a situation where the waves of marketization and
\nopening up have grown immensely–and only gaining speed–it is clear
\nthat attempts to reverse this phenomenon will only cause greater repercussions. <\/p>\n

Moreover, the biggest obstacle to North
\nKorea<\/span>\u2019s efforts to attract foreign investment is North
\nKorea<\/span>\u2019s possession of nuclear weapons. This is also the
\nissue of whether the economy and nuclear arms front can coexist with
\nreformation and opening up. The “Byungjin Line”<\/span> is generally understood as an approach centered on the
\ninability to give up nuclear arms; still, an alternative interpretation is also
\nplausible. <\/span><\/p>\n

While the approach encompasses a stance of refusal to give up
\nnuclear arms, it also suggests that they are crucial collateral to protect
\nthe system, thereby freeing up North Korea to focus more on driving economic growth. Some experts
\neven claim that the core of the economy and nuclear arms line can be
\ninterpreted as the North<\/span>\u2019s decision to cease bolstering
\nnational defense in favor of using the costs to improve residents<\/span>\u2019 lives.  <\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Cabinet’s push for economic reforms and the appointment of Pak Pong Ju  Pak Pong Ju, who was among the leaders of the “July 1st Economic Improvement Measures,” reemerged as North Korea’s Cabinet prime minister in April 2013–an arguable indicator of Kim Jong Eun\u2019s desire for reformation and opening up. Since January 2013, North Korea […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":122,"featured_media":30123,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[67],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-30121","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news"],"yoast_head":"\nA Wave of Change - North Korea News \u2014 Daily NK | Latest DPRK Updates 2026<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.dailynk.com\/english\/a-wave-of-change\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"A Wave of Change\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Cabinet’s push for economic reforms and the appointment of Pak Pong Ju  Pak Pong Ju, who was among the leaders of the “July 1st Economic Improvement Measures,” reemerged as North Korea’s Cabinet prime minister in April 2013–an arguable indicator of Kim Jong Eun\u2019s desire for reformation and opening up. 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