Kim Yo Jong’s rise to power in the era of Kim Jong Un

Following the sweeping personnel changes
that occurred within North Korea’s central governing bodies during the 7th
Worker’s Party Congress, considerable speculation (particularly in the South
Korean media) has focused on who could now be considered as Kim Jong Un’s de
facto second-in-command. 

Choe Ryong Hae, the son of famed guerrilla
revolutionary Choe Hyun (who fought in Manchuria during the Kim Il Sung era),
rose to prominence under Kim Jong Il, ostensibly to facilitate Kim Jong Un’s
succession after his own death. The recent congress saw Choe Ryong Hae
reinstated as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the
Central Committee of the WPK and promoted to vice chairman of the newly-created
Bureau of Political Affairs.
 

These new appointments, coupled with the
significance of his name appearing first on the roll call, appear to support
arguments claiming that he is the new “number two.”

However, the turmoil plaguing Choe Ryong
Hae’s time under Kim Jong Un’s rule, most recently illustrated by his dispatch
to a collective farm to undergo “revolutionary education” for alleged
wrongdoing, suggests that his authority may be more limited than it appears .
 

This type of predicament and the
ever-present risk of sudden obsolescence is common to monolithic leadership
systems. Although the Choe family has historical significance to the Kim
dynasty, his level of authority will be confined to predetermined limits. Other
Party colleagues have repeatedly borne witness to his meteoric rises and
precipitous falls.
 

Jo Yong Won, the vice department director
of the WPK Central Committee, has also caught the attention of the press.
Citing his roles in close proximity to Kim Jong Un throughout the entirety of
the Congress proceedings (such as note-taking and receiving orders), some have
speculated that he has risen up in the ranks. However, the simplest assumption
is that he was tasked with the planning and organization of the Congress, and
further conclusions should not be drawn without evidence to the contrary.
 

Arguably the strongest historical precedent
for the concept of a “number two” in North Korea ended with the execution of
Jang Song Thaek. However in recent years, Kim Yo Jong (Kim Jong Un’s younger
sister) has also been quietly gaining power within the regime.
 

Although Kim Yo Jong may appear to be just
another member of the Central Party Committee, it stands to reason that her
influence behind the scenes is far more extensive. Similar to Kim Kyong Hui’s
efforts to shore up power for her brother, Kim Jong Il, the same appears to be
tacitly expected from Kim Yo Jong, a descendant of the mythical “Paektu bloodline”
and key player responsible for promoting the legitimacy of the current
leadership.
 

Although her authority will never match
that of the “Supreme Leader”, she will likely continue to gain influence in
order to more effectively promote his deification. And while her position as
vice-minister of the Propaganda and Agitation Department is not quite
considered top-brass, it is widely acknowledged among those in the higher
ranks, including the Central Party Committee and the standing members of the
Political Bureau, that her position confers high regard. Supporting this is the
observation that all major projects must first go through Kim Yo Jong for
approval before being suggested to Kim Jong Un. In other words, Kim Yo Jong’s
power now surpasses that of Kim Kyong Hui during the Kim Jong Il era.