 Image: Daily NK |
North Korean human rights activist Kim Young Hwan recently delivered a lecture on human rights conditions in North Korea and
unification issues at the Francisco Education Hall in Seoul. Kim once maintained pro-North Korean values in his youth, during the period
when South Korea was under consecutive dictatorships. Such a political
climate induced Kim to embrace Juche — the official state
ideology of North Korea.
However, he completely jettisoned this value after he
went to North Korea in 1991, met Kim Il Sung, and learned first-hand what the
system there was truly like. He later pushed ahead in China with his human
rights activities for North Koreans, for which he was subsequently imprisoned
and tortured. He continues to work for the rights of North Koreans. In 2011, he
published a book entitled Post Kim Jong Il.
During his presentation, Kim underscored the
significance of the United Nation’s adoption of a resolution on human rights
conditions in North Korea and its decision to establish a field office in South
Korea, designed to carry out continual investigations into North Korea’s human rights violations. He explained the important overarching symbolism of setting
up such an office in a nation adjacent to North Korea. “Of course, China
also borders North Korea but is less cooperative in solving North Korea’s human
rights issues,” he pointed out.
International agreements and legal
definitions on human rights violations remain obscure and subject to myriad
interpretations by governments across the world–no fixed standard exists. However, Kim asserted that there are some policies
or punishments that no modern civilization should condone on any account.
“Let’s take the case of adultery as an
example,” he said, citing the landmark decision last week by South Korea’s
highest court to scrap the national ban on extramarital affairs, dating back to
1953.
“There is much debate on whether we
should criminally punish adultery, and if so, how we should penalize it.
However, hardly anyone agrees with how adultery is punished in some Middle
Eastern countries, where adulterers are frequently stoned to death. Similarly, nothing can
justify North Korea’s sending of its citizens to prison camps, regardless of
what so-called political ‘crimes’ they committed,” he stated. “In North
Korea, not only do you get sent to prison camp for saying anything even
slightly critical of the state, but so do your children and their children.”
Although China continues to wield much
influence on North Korea, Kim asserted a future occupation of China in North
Korea to be unlikely. Despite the countless business channels Chinese ventures
have opened into the isolated nation, the Chinese government will take every measure
to avoid mobilizing its army to the North.
“If you look at many cases of world
powers’ political or military interventions in other countries, you will see
that almost none of them brought benefit to the former,” going on to adduce the
example of the Soviet War in Afghanistan from 1979-1989, contending to be one of several chief factors contributing to the collapse of the Soviet Union.
“Some people think that reunification
of the Korean Peninsula under South Korea will never take place if South Korean
citizens do not want it. However, that is not the case,” Kim went on. He
cited Article 3 of the South Korean Constitution: “The territory of the
Republic of Korea shall consist of the Korean Peninsula and its adjacent
islands.“
Based on this notion, Kim maintained that the constitution of South Korea defines North Korea
as its territory and does not recognize the legitimacy of the North Korean
regime. Despite a host of changes to the constitution, this article has never been revised. This unwavering clause is imperative: “Reunification is
not a matter of choice. It is our duty. It is our responsibility,” he said.
Kim concluded the lecture by conceding that political, social, and
economic turmoil will be ineluctable in the case of reunification, but that “we
must try to devise ways to minimize this turbulence, not escape from it by
avoiding reunification.”
To delve deeper into these and other issues broached by the audience during the Q&A portion of the event, Daily NK spoke with Kim Young Hwan to gain more insight through a number of follow-up questions.
Daily NK [DNK]: When Kim Il Sung died in 1994,
many people thought the North Korean regime would collapse. When his son and
heir, Kim Jong Il,died in 2011, many people again thought there was a high
likelihood for the country’s collapse. But that regime remains in power.
What do you think is the reason for its persistence?
Kim Young Hwan [KYH]: Kim Jong Il’s succession to Kim Il Sung
is different from that of Kim Jong-Un to Kim Jong Il. Kim Il Sung officially
appointed his son as his heir in 1974 — twenty years before his death. So the
latter had a great deal of time to prepare for succession. On the other hand, Kim Jong Eun
was appointed the heir four or five years before his father’s death, so his
political foothold is less stable. Another reason for the regime’s longevity is that North Korea is very sequestered from the rest of the world. Even the Soviet
Union was not as secluded as North Korea.
DNK: The North Korean human rights issue has
often been linked to South Korea’s domestic politics. It is not uncommon for one to be perceived as left wing or right wing depending on his or her perspective on North Korea. How did a grave human rights issue that should not be influenced
by political viewpoints become connected to politics?
KYH: It can be tied to past dictatorships of
South Korea, in which dictators accused their political dissidents of
conspiring with North Korea. That is why even today, some people try to
capitalize on North Korean issues for their own political gains.
DNK: You said that Kim Jung Eun built
Masikryong Ski Resort in order to attract more tourists and foreign currency, but the
number of tourists in the resort is less than 1/10 of the expected quota. What
do you think accounts for the low number of visitors?
KYH: The reason there are so few foreign
tourists is that traveling to North Korea is expensive. If there are various
airlines bound to North Korea, the flight prices will be relatively inexpensive
due to the market competition. However, that is clearly not the case with North
Korea. Also, most foreigners feel uneasy about visiting North Korea, based on
what they hear about it on the news. As far as domestic tourists, very, very few North Koreans can afford
to opportunity to go skiing, which is an unfamiliar pastime to the vast
majority of the population.
DNK: You pointed out that existing international laws
lack the legal force required to effectively penalize the North Korean
leadership. However, the Allies sentenced many former Nazi officials to death or life in prison in the Nuremberg trials (1945-1946) shortly after World War
Two. While it is true that modern international laws lack binding
force, and the United Nations cannot punish every government that persecutes
its citizens, considering the spotlight North Korea gets in the international media and the way the United Nations dealt with the Nazis, do you
think high-ranking North Korean officials will eventually face similar
punishments as the Nazis?
KYH: The case of North Korea is quite
different from Germany. The Allies occupied and exerted sovereignty over
Germany shortly after WWII. On the other hand, North Korea has an autonomous
regime, although it was heavily dependent on USSR during the former’s incipient
stage. It is thus nearly impossible for foreign countries to exert
administrative influence on North Korea as they did on Germany. Increasing economic sanctions imposed on North Korea is hardly a viable option given that the nation is
already so economically isolated from the rest of the world. I think that the only
way we can truly penalize the North Korean leadership is after its regime crumbles.
DNK: During the lecture you mentioned that
reunification can help South Korea overcome its economic stagnation and aging
society. However, most developed countries are facing low birth rates and aging
population as a result of an increase in women in the workforce and late
childbearing. Would the Korean Peninsula thus not continue to endure South
Korea’s current problems after reunification?
KYH: When I said that there will be a baby
boom after reunification, I meant baby boom in the North. Even if we reduce
child-rearing expenses in the South, the birth rate will not significantly
increase because South Korea is already accustomed to individualization and a low
number of children. However, North Korea is less permeated with these notions of individualization. North Korean parents have a stronger propensity to see their
children more as their ‘double selves.’ As a result, they are likely to bear more children if the economy stabilizes [under the democratic society and free
market economy of South Korea].
 Image: Daily NK |
