As South Korea gears up for legislative elections in April, a number of candidates have emerged from backgrounds devoted to North Korean
human rights and democratization, which some in the broader community doubt is a sufficient springboard to competence in the arena of institutional politics.
To further explore the platform bolstering these fringe candidates, notably that their experiences as activists can make significant contributions to the development of South Korean politics, Daily NK spoke with preliminary
candidate for Seoul’s Guro National Assembly representative, Kim Ik Hwan.
Kim sees sacrifice and dedication as the
cornerstones of politics. Politicians, he says, should not pursue politics for
their own honor and power, but rather because they are dedicated to serving the
people.
“Without this dedication, no matter how much effort you put in, you
will never be able to use politics for anything other than your own
advancement,” he says, explaining the guiding principles he hopes will help the South Korean public overcome its distrust of politics and advance social trust.
The full interview has been published in English below.
1. Please introduce yourself to us.
My name is Kim Ik Hwan and I am a
preliminary candidate for the National Assembly representative for the Guro
District affiliated with the Saenuri Party. I am a former representative of
Open North Korea Radio. Currently, I am preparing for the National Assembly
elections and serving as head of the Guro Mirae [future] Forum.
-What kind of activities are you engaged in
for your preliminary candidacy?
As the final demarcation of election
districts has not yet been finalized, the preliminary candidates are having a
pretty rough time, but actually as far as Guro is concerned, the districts will
be divided into upper and lower areas just as in the past. I have registered as
a candidate for the upper part of the district, and mainly right now I am
working to get to know the residents of the district by introducing myself to
them during morning and evening commute hours. In the mornings and afternoons I
am going out and introducing myself to the many residents of the area who have
worked hard for the local society and arcade buildings.
2. You were formerly
involved in fields outside of politics, but now you have decided to run for the
National Assembly. Was there a particular opportunity that presented itself to
you?
Many people have asked me this question. My
work in the North Korean democratization movement as well as the North Korean
human rights movement have not been unrelated to domestic politics. I thought
that North Korean democratization meant changing the North Korean system. The
North Korean people are changing their society themselves, but there is also a
lot that we can and are doing that foster a North Korean democratization
movement.
North Korea’s recent nuclear test has had a
big effect on South Korea. The number of fear factors is increasing, and
tensions between North and South Korea and in Northeast Asia overall are also
on the rise.I think that if North Korea’s current system remains in place,
although the North Korean people will suffer greatly, and in the mid to long
term South Korea will develop, it will become a significant stumbling block.
This is because I think that as North Korea changes itself it will present an
opportunity in the mid to long term to unite the Korean peninsula. This is what
has inspired the North Korean democratization movement. Doing these activities
has made me feel engaged in changing South Korean politics and society as well.
3. You have spoken very freely about your
long-term activism for North Korean democratization. How did you originally
become interested in this issue?
In the early 1990s, I entered university.
The beginning of the 90s were still framed by the democratization movement that
swept across South Korea’s universities in the 1980s. At that time, as a university
student and an intellectual I thought about my social responsibility and very
naturally fell into student activism. Although the student movement of the
1980s pursued democracy, not all activists were democrats. There were also
North Korea sympathizers, and although I didn’t intend for it to happen,
naturally I also became involved with some organizations that were pro-North
Korea. However, I realized that I had made a poor choice and changed my
thinking.
I wanted to befriend those who had had
difficult lives. Towards the end of the 1990s, many people debated leaving
their activism behind. However, when I considered my social responsibility as
an intellectual, I held fast to my values, and have debated whose lives
are the hardest and most difficult in the current situation. At that time,
North Korea suffered from widespread famine, and many defectors fled to South
Korea and told their stories of hardship, and when I heard their tales I
thought to myself that this is the kind of work I should be doing.
At that time [during the Kim Dae Jung and
Roh Moo Hyun administrations], many used the appeal of their experience in the
student movements and entered the political field. However, I decided that
rather than entering into politics myself I would rather represent the views of
people who were suffering and work together with them.
-I know that you have also done activism
work in China. Can you tell us exactly what kind of work you did there?
When I entered Wonkwang University in
Iksan, North Jeolla Province, I encountered some difficulties. Although I
resolved to myself that I would do my best, there were times when I my
convictions regarding the work we were doing wavered, and I debated whether or
not to continue participating in student activist movements. However, immersing
myself in activism once again seems to have been the turning point in my life.
Working with pro-North Korea groups and then changing tack and pouring my
efforts into changing the North Korea’s system was, at that time, the most
significant turning point for me.
Our activities were mainly centered in
Seoul, the activities of Association of Students for North Korean Human Rights,
for example. At that time, there was no interest in this issue. After I became
the representative of the Association, I went to China and began to engage in
activism there. I remember 2007. I went to Yanji, China and met defectors from
North Korea, and wanted to speak with them- when it was possible I lived with
those defectors who wanted to change North Korea’s system, and re-educated them
before sending them back into the North. Although it seems like a reckless
thing to do, it was what we were able to do, and I thought that if it was work
we had to do then I should give it my all.
4. It seems like there would have been a
lot of difficulties in working for the North Korean democratization movement.
What was the most difficult thing you encountered? How did you feel when you
were participating in the movement?
When I was in China, I felt lonely and
isolated. Because I worked with the threat of spies from the North Korean State
Security Department and the Chinese Ministry of State Security, I had to do
everything absolutely on my own. The loneliness and isolation I felt as a
result was very difficult. But I also enjoyed it. When I think back on how I
lived with so much tension and nervousness I think about how exhausting it was.
I would take a 12-hour train from Yanji to
Shenyang, and it felt like passing through a long, dark tunnel. I was always
nervous on my way to Shenyang, although it would abate slightly as I grew
closer. When I made it back to South Korea my tension would completely dissolve
in a rush. Going back to China, the nervousness would creep up once again.
Living in a state of constant paranoia was very mentally exhausting. I think I
was able to do that kind of work because the rewards were greater than the
trials.
5. We are once again feeling the strong
willpower and dedication of the North Korea democratization activists. Mr. Kim, you have also resumed production and broadcasting of radio
programs aimed towards North Korea from the South.
Actually in 2007 I was active in China, and
around November 2009 owing to an unanticipated sweep I was arrested by the Chinese Ministry of State Security. Following my arrest, to avoid censorship, I
returned to South Korea and got married there. I married my current wife, whom
I met before I came to Guro, and we went on our honeymoon. However, I was
unable to give up on my activism in China, and so I went back there. But in
Beijing I was arrested again and forcibly exiled. That was when I launched my
full-scale activism in South Korea.
At that time I met Saenuri Party’s National
Assembly representative Ha Tae Kyung, who was at Open Radio North Korea.
Through him, I also began working there. I don’t know if it was by coincidence,
but during my military service he served in the psychological warfare division.
Psychological warfare is radio broadcasts to North Korea, so following his
discharge he began working for a radio station broadcasting to North Korea.
6. Looking at your calls for
unification during your time working as the head of Open Radio North
Korea, it seems as though you’d be a good leader for unification. What
capabilities do you think are needed for a good leader to usher in the era of true unification?
You can’t say there is a distinction
between a leader of unification and the ability to be a leader of unification.
The most important quality required is vision. Vision and the ability to gather
the strength to achieve that vision, communication skills, and especially the
vision for a period of unification are all extremely important. When the
current government entered office the atmosphere and environment surrounding
unification improved, and President Park Geun Hye is emphasizing the that
unification is a “bonanza”’, but that can’t just come into existence naturally on its own.
Unification may be an opportunity, but it may also be a risk. By cultivating
the ability to manage risk and the ability to propose a suitable vision, the
risk of unification can become an opportunity. People must first understand
this premise.
No matter how good your policy and vision
are, if the people do not recognize your vision, then it’s an empty one. No
matter how good your policy is, if you cannot arouse sympathy for your cause
from the public then your policy and vision will fail. That’s why I think it is
important for a leader of unification to understand people. Unification is a
lengthy process of combining people who have been divided for a very long time.
This is important not only for South Koreans, but also North Koreans, to
understand. It is extremely important to be able to mediate between
stakeholders in order to minimize the potential for latent conflicts, tense
relations, and other disputes between people to arise. In order to do this, one
must first understand people.
7. However, you have gone from engaging in
North Korean democratization activism and producing radio broadcasts to North
Korea to entering South Korean politics. Although the two fields seem
different, they are both connected to the lives of citizens, which makes them
similar. What elements of strengthening North Korean democratization activism
might also be applicable in the field of South Korean politics?
Although it is important for politicians to
be able to propose a vision, the real foundation of both is sacrifice and
devotion. Politicians should not be engaged in politics for their own honor and
power, but in order to devote themselves to giving something back to the
people. If they don’t do this, no matter how hard they work they will be unable
to avoid using their power for their own gain. Therefore, it is important for
politicians to be heroic. The North Korean democratization movement demands
sacrifice and bravery while walking a lonely, silent path that does not give a
person glory, but is a difficult and arduous task. I think that this is also
the most important element needed in South Korean politics.
I have taken a lot of heat during my
preliminary candidacy. A lot of criticism from both the media and politicians
has been directed towards me. This is because right now criticism is also a
vested interest of politics. Although politicians say that each policy they
propose is for the sake of the people, in reality they are to maintain and
promote the current vested interests of those who propose them, and I think
that there is a lack of sacrifice and dedication for the people. I think
political heroes who are activists for North Korean democratization will be
able to overcome the lack of social trust in South Korean politics and help
reinstate the trust of the people in the political system.
In the early 2000s, people who opposed
unification went so far as to call me a renegade. At that time the people did
not believe what they were hearing from North Korean defectors. But North
Korean democratization activists did not let that doubt deter them and
continued to pursue their goals. I think that this is what we can call
conviction. Continuing to go forward with belief in your actions without
revealing yourself. Although the public is very critical of politicians,
politicians must maintain their convictions in their political work.
-Can we see your North Korean
democratization activism as having served as a bridge to your current
participation in politics?
People
engage in activism because think that they will be able to live in a world that
is a little bit better when the peninsula is unified, and that has some
similarities to what I am doing now.
8. I hope that you can save these
strengths. Among them, one that stands out is your role as the leader of the
committee pushing to relocate the Yeongdeungpo Prison. I know that this is the
biggest issue facing Guro District now, what kind of program are you proposing?
In front of our office are more than 30,000
sites. They have held detention centers and prisons. They were moved 5 or 6
years ago. The issue of prison relocation is one that has been a long-held wish
of the residents there. Prisons are something that we need as a society, but
because nobody likes having them in their backyard, there’s been a movement
pushing for relocation. Redevelopment has been delayed for a long time now, and
as the number of business districts has been decreasing and nobody has been
managing the area well, it has become a slum and crime has risen. Of course
existing politicians have been trying to do something, but I felt keenly that
someone had to try harder.
Local elections were held in February of
2014. In April, a huge number of events were held as if the redevelopment was
finally going to happen. So, of course all of the residents believed that
redevelopment would occur in 2014, but following the local elections, the contract
was terminated. Residents began to criticize the whole deal, suspecting it was
just political theater put on by politicians so that they could win the
election. Because of this, I formed the committee with the purpose of
relocating the prison and push for redevelopment to the residents. We also
carried out a signature campaign. I wanted to talk more to the local residents
of Guro District about their political rights.
-Are you a resident of this district?
What’s your connection with Guro?
Of course. My wife and I live here. We’ve
had two children and are raising them in this district. It’s where my wife grew
up and my father-in-law lives here. To me, Guro is the place where my wife and
family and loved ones live. So, of course I have a special attachment to the
place.
9. I know you’re also focusing on the
education industry in the district. I’ve heard that one of the things you’re
doing is a program called “Guro Mother’s School 2.0”. What is this program?
The “Guro Mother’s School 2.0” is part of
our education planner training course. After speaking with mothers in the Guro District, I realized that education fever in the area is quite strong. All
parents have pretty similar mindsets. So we targeted younger mothers and
provide a variety of educational lectures, so that they can help their children
with their schooling. We began the program by providing a time and place for
mothers to have a chance to talk about their concerns with their children’s
schooling. Mothers shared their concerns about school as well as the changes in
the educational environment with each other, and we also researched and
discussed ways in which they might be able to quell the ‘education fever’
phenomenon.
The response was even better than we had anticipated. We originally
planned to host five forums, but after those five in response to demand for
more we held an additional forum, and as inquiries from the district kept
coming in we have continued to hold more. Because I’m busy preparing for my
candidacy, we’ve stopped holding them regularly, but to meet the demands posed
by the education fever of mother’s as well as those posed by the new
educational environment I believe that it’s my responsibility as a politician
to give them what they want, and so I created this program.
10. As a preliminary candidate preparing
for the 20th election, what kind of National Assembly representative do you
hope to be?
I’m preparing to run as a member of the
Saenuri Party, and my hometown is in Honam. Because of this, many people have
expected that of course I would run as a member of the Democratic Party. When I
told my mother I was going to run with the Saenuri Party, she told me that
doing so took conviction. The Saenuri Party has its support base in people in
their 50s in Youngnam more than it does the younger generation. I think that
someone from Honam running with the Saenuri Party has to have the same kind of
conviction that someone running with the Democratic Party in Youngnam does.
Because of this, I’d appreciate it if you’d tell people that the Saenuri Party,
which is supported by people in their 50s, also has this kind of young,
energetic preliminary candidate.
The upper district of Guro is much older
than the lower district. Development has been stalled. I think that in the
future I must work even harder for the sake of the district. As a National
Assembly member, it is my job to not only draw a big picture of the nation, but
also to draw a big picture together with the residents of the district I
represent. The next step for the district is development. I want to imbue Guro
with the energy and vitality of the young. This year, I will be 43. A person’s
early 40s are the time to jump right in and get to work. I plan to resolve the
pressing issues facing my district, create a vision for the nation and for an
era of unification, and advance South Korean politics.
11. As my final question, I’d like to ask
you about your candidate character of ‘Guro Running Man’, which has drawn a lot
of attention. What does ‘Guro Running Man’ mean? And how have the residents of
your district reacted?
‘Running Man” is a TV program that a lot of people know. “Running Man” is a
dynamic symbol. In order to not lose the name of ‘Running Man,” I have to work
extremely hard, and keep running throughout my whole life. Guro district needs
that kind of passion and energy, that kind of fire. I’m going all around the
district and looking at the problems facing it and seeing how things stand with
the residents there. I’m determined to work even harder to meet the dynamic
residents of this area and talk with them, and figure out a way to develop the
district, and become the “Running Man” of Guro.
